1947 Palestine KIBBUTZ HAGGADAH Israel INDEPNDENCE Judaica HOLOCAUST Hebrew

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1947 Palestine KIBBUTZ HAGGADAH Israel INDEPNDENCE Judaica HOLOCAUST Hebrew:
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DESCRIPTION : This most beautiful HAGGADAH Shel PESSACH was privately written , designed and publishedaround 70 years ago in 1947 ( Dated TASHA\"Z )and it\'s fully and clearly dated byKibbutz Merchavia \"HASHOMER HATZAIR\" in Eretz Israel ( Then also refered to as PALESTINE ) right after the HOLOCAUST - WW2 and BEFORE the establishment of the INDEPENDENT STATE of ISRAEL and its 1948 WAR OF INDEPENDENCE . TheUNORTHODOX HAGGADAH consist ofhand calligraphy combined with illustrations and decorations created by the Kibbutz artists . The ALTERNATIVE text is very interesting - Though it\'s certainly not the traditional Haggadah text , It combines phrases and quotes from the traditional origins as well as other traditional sources , Including the Bible , And touches in a poetic way the HOLOCAUST , The survival , The UPRISE , The hope Independence of Israel , The calling for the IMMIGRATION of the Holocaust refugees and the yearn for WORLD PEACE . Including Passover - Spring songs. Throughout illustrated .Original illustrated SC. 6 x 9\" . 32 throughout ILLUSTRATED and DECORATED pp excluding the illustrated wrappers . Very good condition . Inner clean and only very slightly stained cover .( Pls look at scan for accurate AS IS images ). Haggadah will be sent inside a protective rigid envelope .

PAYMENTS : Payment method accepted : Paypal .SHIPPMENT : Shipp worldwide via registered airmail is $ 18 . Haggadah will be sent inside a protective rigid envelope . Handling within 3-5 days after payment. Estimated duration 14 days. This articleis a condensation of research that was made for a recently published album on Passoverhaggadot in the kibbutz. The album is a detailed account of the creative workof a few generations of kibbutz members.ABSTRACT FROM AUTHORCopyright of IsraelStudies is the property of Indiana University Press and its content may not becopied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without thecopyright holder\'s express written permission. However, users may print,download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged.No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to theoriginal published version of the material for the full abstract. Excerptfrom Article:Muki Tsur Pesach in the Land of Israel: Kibbutz Haggadot* ABSTRACTThis article is a condensation of research that was made for a recentlypublished album on Passover haggadot in the kibbutz. The album is a detailedaccount of the creative work of a few generations of kibbutz members.It is nearly a century since the first kibbutz was established at Deganiain 1910.1 From its beginnings, the kibbutz has been conscious of the need tocreate what is today termed \"collective memory.\" It has preserved itsexperiences through a host of writings including essays, diaries, remembrancebooks, and \"soul revealing\" letters that members wrote each other.This literature has often been processed in a formal and didactic way. Thecreation of haggadot for the [Passover] Seder is but another example of anessentially educational exercise. These haggadot, in particular, reflectcentral issues that concerned kibbutz members and their systematic analysisindicates changes in kibbutz society and thinking.2 The search for a new anddistinctive, if not revolutionary, path for the kibbutz movement is found atits origins in the Second Aliya (1904-1914).3 At the same time, some veteranmembers felt the need to maintain elements of the traditional faith of theparents that still beckoned and attracted. This article is a condensation ofresearch that was made for a recently published album on Passover haggadot inthe kibbutz. The album is a detailed account of the creative work of a fewgenerations of kibbutz members. In 1960 Avraham Yaari edited a catalogue of2717 Passover haggadot that had been published between 1482 and 1960. Kibbutzhaggadot did not appear in the catalogue because they deviated from thetraditional text. When we investigated the major archives, we found over 500kibbutz haggadot from 1930 to 1960. Naturally only a small portion of thistreasure could be presented in the album. Studies on haggadot have seen them asreflections of Jewish life in different periods; studies on kibbutz haggadothave also viewed them as mirrors of the history of the kibbutz and its members.In our study the picture is the main element. The reader enters the world ofthe settlers who were involved in the great drama of identity reconstructionand social engineering, and who wanted to integrate their individualism intothe communal life they were trying to build. Immense tension existed betweenthe settler, immigrant, and laborer over their expectations and demands ofcommunal living.4 This tension, as great as the distance between our world andthat of the first kibbutz pioneers, is clearly reflected on the pages of thekibbutz haggadot. Furthermore, the kibbutz was built in the shadow of thedestruction, extermination and bereavement of the Jewish people, disasters thatappear on the pages of the kibbutz haggadot. But the haggadot also reflect thepioneers\' unwillingness to accept this situation and their thirst for life\'spositive side, love\'s reawakening, and a world free of bondage and misery. Thekibbutz members\' lives were filled with labor in Eretz-Israel, the building ofa moral society, and the deep awareness of the enormity of the challenge theyfaced. This tension forms an inseparable part of their haggadot. There wereother frictions. Today\'s children seem to ask the Four Questions with greaterconfidence than their parents who answer them.5 The older generation wasobviously worried over the state of the world and the nation. The writer YosefChaim Brenner (1881-1921) claimed that he was unable to take part in the Sederbecause the Jewish people had not yet come out of Egypt.6 They were stillliving in personal and social exile. Despite this, spring stubbornly returnseach year, and we know that the month of spring is the season for renewal. Heretoo, in the Promised Land--the destination of those who left Egypt, we continueto rejuvenate. Passover IN ERETZ-ISRAEL THE SECOND ALIYA The celebrants at thenew Eretz-Israel Passover probably suspected that the traditional Seder hadcome to represent the exile.7 During Passover in Eretz-Israel, before thedestruction of the Second Temple in 70 a.d., Jewish masses would ascend toJerusalem and camp out under the stars. On the other hand, the traditionalSeder takes place inside the family home. Instead of a magnificentoutdoor public ritual, the Passover evening became a pedagogical, almostintimate family affair reminding the participants of how the holiday had oncebeen celebrated. Instead of a mass experience at eventide exalting the realityof the here and now and rejoicing in the national spirit, the traditionalpost-Second Temple Seder only left the front door open for the paupers andElijah--the mystical forerunner of the Messiah. In the aphorism \"everygeneration a person must see himself as though he went out of Egypt,\" theobservers of Passover in the Exile suspected that the phrase \"asthough\" was the key idea. The near-hermetically enclosed space of the home(excluding temporarily the open door for the cup of Elijah) only hints at thehuge public sacrifice that used to take place outdoors in the vast campinggrounds in view of the majestic Temple Mount. For the Zionist revolutionary,however, the actual experience of the Exodus took place not via a memorialritual but in the search for freedom by immigrating to EretzIsrael andinvesting in the landscape, art, politics, and labor from which the Jewishpeople had been detached for so many generations. The main feeling was that thePassover haggada and the form of the holiday as midrash (homiletic interpretationof the Scriptures) were not accidental. The aim of the textual midrash was torecall the ancient events and at the same time to freeze the vitality containedin them. Thus, a holiday that commemorated the going forth to freedom alsomourned the loss of that freedom and restrained the urge for its restoration.In this fashion, the traditional Passover actually inhibited the celebration ofrenewal. The traditional Seder includes hints of the wheat and barley fieldsand lifestyle of the shepherd, but how much of this is actually incorporatedinto the Seder and the holiday evening? Perhaps the removal of agriculture andthe Holy Temple from the festival\'s content contains the seeds of an exilednation\'s reconciliation to its fate. If the Exodus narrative was vital to theholiday, then why was the traditional haggada converted from a biblical talereplete with heroes and courageous deeds into legalistic sermonizing thateclipses the national characters, tension, rhythm, and historical drama? Whydid later expositors censor the biblical narrative and marginalize Moses andAaron? Traces of such criticism of the traditional Seder can be found inscholarly essays, but especially in the development of the Seder inEretzIsrael--in the Zionist haggadot. Already in the late nineteenth and earlytwentieth centuries the Jewish Reform Movement and Jewish revolutionarymovements were committed to alternative Seders. Changes were introduced intothe Reform haggadot for theological reasons, such as elevating Judaism to auniversal ethical plane that required expunging blatant references toJewish nationalism. The Jewish revolutionaries\' replaced the moralizing,pedagogic, legalistic tone of the haggadot with one of revolutionary hopeinspired by the Exodus story. They added new interpretations and especially tothe Exodus narrative. The Exodus was transformed into a slave revolt thatparalleled the Workers Revolution becoming the hope for the end of man\'s ruleover man. Unlike the changes in the Eretz-Israel Passover, the new Seders ofthe revolutionaries and Reform Jews included textual changes. The youngZionists followed in this tradition of questioning and change. For example,when the revolutionary movements in Russia and the Zionist-Socialist Party wentthrough a crisis after the failure of the first Russian revolution,Zionist-socialists began to advocate vigorously leaving Eastern Europe. Theyviewed exile and the Jews\' indifference toward economic and existentialhardships as a dangerous trap. Ben-Zion Dinur (1884-1973), the noted Jewishhistorian and Israel\'s first Minister of Education and Culture, illuminates howpresent concerns were reflected in the haggada in his memoirs.8 He recalled aninvitation to a Seder organized by Eliezer Schein, the leader of the LaborParty and Berl Katznelson\'s mentor, before Katznelson (1887-1944) made aliya.9It was a difficult period. The Zionist movements appeared to have collapsed;their members had lost all sense of direction. A young party member, Zelig,even committed suicide out of despair. Schein expressed this tragedy byexplaining that the traditional haggada justified exile by reflecting the Jews\'inability to leave Egypt. The first hints of changes in the Eretz-IsraelPassover took place on the holiday evening. The traditional Seder was held onlypart of the night, after which the young people stepped outside with theworkers and began singing and dancing in large gatherings. The moon, stars, andnature played were important features on these nights. Ecstatic social encounterscomplemented the traditional Seder. Instead of the extended family that openedits door to the destitute and the holy messenger, the young congregation wentforth to the sandy areas and open spaces to celebrate the festival and inhalein the newly arrived spring. Circle dancing (the hora) lasted for hours, ajaunty beat was added to the traditional tunes, and exhilarated singingdiverged from the pedagogical text. Instead of the traditional haggada whichexplicitly divided the roles between father of the household, wife, children,and guests, the spontaneous cluster of youth resembled something closer toanarchy. There was no father present, only a youthful congregation exuberantlycelebrating springtime outdoors. This was the basis of what would later developinto the communal Seder, held in a large area without the division oftraditional roles or a confining space. In many places in Eretz-Israelduring the Second Aliya, the workers ceased to read the traditional haggada.Even if they had it before them, they referred to and adapted it with singing,readings, music, and dancing. A different haggada was in the process ofcreation even before World War I. The introduction of contemporary Hebrewliterature into the Seder was based on the view that it was holy literature. Itwas seen as the purest expression of moral truth--an individual and socialdream of the new Hebrew who was waiting to emerge. The pioneers read the poemsof Bialik (1873-1934), and recited literary passages suited for a generationthat regarded itself as the Exodus generation.10 Besides the reading of texts,the pioneers also expressed their personal feelings at the Seder. Had manreally changed? Did he really sense the revolution, the liberation in theExodus? Passover night was not only a ritual but also an opportunity to testthe psychological adjustment of the new immigrants to their new country.Sometimes the reckoning was not simple but the fact that it took place at allwas expression of the \"exodus\", of the long-awaited personalliberation. The interest in the new Hebrew literature was also tied to thecreation of a new text that would incorporate the Passover experience inEretzIsrael--the encounter with people, the reliving of the Exodus story, andthe renewed contact with the Promised Land. From Rachel Katznelson\'sdiary: Every Passover evening I would work in my room. The first time, I workedexhaustively and derived pleasure from it. When I finished, everything wasgood, like new, and I could not even recognize the room, as though it too washappy . . . My soul was brimming over--from labor, from my suffering, from myworries, and from my recent work. I opened the window and stepped outside. Itwas a warm moonbeam night. The Sea of Galilee was nearby. The street was quietand for the first time I felt the mystery of Passover night. Not our[Passover], this was a Christian Passover. The night was hallowed. It seemedlike Friday night surrounded by the Sabbath, such a night could only be felt asspecial, filled with holiness. I understood the feelings of Christians. I wasalone, close to a bout of serious illnesses, I was disoriented but happy. Fromthe garden-fresh \"trees of life\" in front of the house I pickedbranches and placed them inside my two joyous letters, one to home and theother to Zalman. I wrote quickly because I knew that such happiness would notlast. I spent the first Passover [in Eretz-Israel] in Jerusalem. It was notPassover --for me, it was Jerusalem. The two of us (Hania Yavnieli) walkedelatedly. Like in our youth, everything radiated wonderment. Because wehad been together in a place strange for a few days, we had a specialrelationship together. When we passed by a house, exquisite music [flowed outit] into the night. We came upon beautiful pictures and purchased aMichelangelo, we lay in the bed and counted the pictures we had bought. Butsomething else was new, something we had not known before. History had openedbefore us, revealing the lives of the ancients, the secrets of Jerusalem, cityof the king, nestled in the mountains. New buildings [rose] between mounds ofstones, lovely ruins, everything was special: the light, the sky, the graytinge to the mountains, the silent streets whose inhabitants remained hidden,and the black pine trees against the night sky. Holy for all nations! And wealso saw the living. First we came to a school for the blind. Beautiful flowerswere in the front yard. We found a blind teacher who extended her delicate handto us, and the blind people with calm faces appeared happy to call out to us asthey walked gingerly in the courtyard. We picked flowers from the garden, andthe house became a symbol of Jerusalem. We often visited an orphanage. We saw alovely house with a beautiful roof from where we could see the city and theMountains of Moav in the sunset; and walking though the house were many littlegirls all dressed alike. It was a sad sight; it was painful to see so manylittle girls with the same clothes. The beds stood in a row, one next to theother; I had never seen such cleanliness. I became the \"Seder\" andwanted to cry. . . . That evening the \"Seder\" was in the room that Ihad cleaned from morning to night. I worked fretfully with the thought that Iwould not finish in time, but I finished the job. I have not ceased to getemotional over this. Rachel Katznelson, Man as He Is (ed) Michal Hagati, pp.109-110 [Hebrew]. Old Man Gordon Dances with the Young Bussel A Memorial: [Thiswas my] first Seder in Um-Juni (Degania), in the year 1911. I was with ahandful of male and female colleagues who, with radiating expressions on theIsrael faces, were reading the new \"Why is This Night Different\" inour lives, and I asked myself: Who is listening? Were their parents and youngerbrothers and sisters scattered throughout the world listening to the sounds ofthe new haggada? Our gathering at the evening Seder ended in a tempest ofdancing. Old Man Gordon and the young Bussel joined in a rousing dance singing:\"Morning, Morning! Here comes morning--and it\'s off to work. (YosefSprinzak, Degania, 1911) Changes in the pioneers\' Seder took place notonly in the spiritual breakthrough of the new Hebrew literature but also insong. During the First Aliya (1882-1904)11 an important liturgicalturning-point had already occurred in Jewish-Hebrew music. Poets and musiciansrewrote old songs, changed words and melodies, modified the beat and direction,intermixed religious and secular tunes, derived inspiration from Western,Eastern, local, and classical music, and made these creations a central part ofa new public culture of communal singing. Teachers, intellectuals, and artistssigned an unwritten pact with the young public that was seeking edification andthe sense of solidarity. Students and pioneers gathered for public singing;Passover evening became a glorification and victory march of Hebrew song thatmay have originated in distant lands, but in Eretz-Israel they received aspecial flavor. On the Passover of 1917, the Turkish rulers of the countryordered the residents of Tel-Aviv to evacuate the city. Almost 8,000 peoplewere listed for expulsion. A sense of dispossession accompanied the evictionnotice. The expulsion was in effect exile from the homeland. Anxiety-riddensettlers prepared to leave their homes, although not from Egypt but, for aconsiderable number, to refuge in Egypt. Many felt the symbolism of theirplight. In the north of the country, at the settlement of Kinneret (on the Seaof Galilee), refugees and members of several kevutzot sat down for a specialfraternity Seder among religious and non-religious Jews, workers andland-owners. They awaited the Exodus from Egypt in the form of liberation fromthe Ottoman government. A great fear of genocide pervaded the air. On the eveof World War I the Yishuv numbered 85,000.12 At the outset of the war 12,000Jews who rejected Ottoman citizenship left the country. Most went to Egypt. Thefollowing year the country was flooded with rumors of the horrific massacre ofthe Armenians. The communal Seder at Kinneret demonstrated the wish for unity duringthe severe crisis. As far as we know, the collective meal was accompanied withprofuse singing and wildflower decorations, and one of the pioneers whoprepared the meal and covered the gray tables declaimed one of Bialik\'s poems.The Seder did not announce itself as iconoclastic or revolutionary. Thetraditional haggada seems to have been kept, but the atmosphere was different.Tel-Aviv\'s religiously-observant refugees now lodged in the north of the countywere in the most vexatious situation. They hoped that there would be matzot forPassover, but this was not the case. No Seder was held that evening, and thepious among the Tel-Aviv evacuees were left with a deep scar. Ironically,Passover in Eretz-Israel was cancelled, whereas those who left for to Egyptcelebrated the holiday. There was an overriding sense of fear andprivation in the country; the nightmare had brought everything to a halt, evensacred tradition. But in the darkest days of the crucible, something new wasrevealed. In the early period of the Second Aliya, Eretz-Israel Seders werebased on feelings tied to moods, encounters with the landscape, largeconvocations, youthful singing and dancing, abbreviated Passover texts, theblurring of traditional roles as well as the longing for the parents\' home.People were unaware that a cultural revolution was taking place. The transitionwas not sudden, nor did everyone participate in it. The crystallization of theevening Seder was a gradual experience shared by many. THE THIRD ALIYA Thepioneers of the Third Aliya (1919-1923) brought a radical wind to thecountry.13 Itinerant groups of newcomers lived highly intense lives andpassionately sought to build a new world, a new Zionism, a new way of communityliving. But the inner images and shocking conditions that the fiery enthusiasmobscured made an impact on the young pioneers. They witnessed the frightfulweakness of their parents\' generation that had failed to solve basic humanproblems. They witnessed the battlefields and carnage of World War I, thewanderings of the Jewish masses, and the murderous pogroms that had destroyedJewish communities and put Jewish defense in a state of helplessness--all ofthese scenarios undermined their basic belief in human and Jewish culture.Although the Third Aliya was more organized into groups along a commonpioneering ideal, a deeper spirit of iconoclasm pervaded. The pioneers camewith ecstatic moods, artistic sensitivity, quests that fluctuated betweendespondency and hope. The Third Aliya was influenced by radical revolutionarypolitics and educational psychology that was bitterly critical of social andfamily conditions. The human laboratory worked overtime with the result thatgroups became intensively melded Berl Katznelson (Hebrew: ברל כצנלסון‎, 25 January 1887 – died 12 August 1944) was one of the intellectual founders of Labor Zionism, instrumental to the establishment of the modern state of Israel, and the editor of Davar, the first daily newspaper of the workers\' movement.Biography Katznelson was born in Babruysk, Russia, the son of a member of Hovevei Zion. He dreamed of settling in the Jewish homeland from an early age. In Russia, he was a librarian in a Hebrew-Yiddish library and taught Hebrew literature and Jewish history. He made aliyah to Ottoman Palestine in 1909, where he worked in agriculture and took an active role in organizing workers\' federations based on the idea of \"common work, life and aspirations.\"[1] Together with his cousin, Yitzhak Tabenkin, Katznelson was one of the founding fathers of the Israeli workers union, the Histadrut.[2] In this capacity, together with Meir Rothberg of the Kinneret Farm,[3] Katznelson founded in 1916 the consumer co-operative known as Hamashbir with the goal of supplying the Jewish communities of Palestine with food at affordable prices during the terrible shortage years of the First World War.[4] He helped to establish the Clalit Health Services sick fund, a major fixture in Israel\'s network of socialized medicine. In 1925, together with Moshe Beilinson, Katznelson established the Davar daily newspaper, and became its first editor, a position he held until his death, as well as becoming the founder and first editor-in-chief of the Am Oved publishing house. Katznelson was well known for his desire for peaceful coexistence between Arabs and Jews in Israel. He was an outspoken opponent of the Peel Commission\'s partition plan for Palestine.[5] He stated: I do not wish to see the realization of Zionism in the form of the new Polish state with Arabs in the position of the Jews and the Jews in the position of the Poles, the ruling people. For me this would be the complete perversion of the Zionist ideal... Our generation has been witness to the fact that nations aspiring to freedom who threw off the yoke of subjugation rushed to place this yoke on the shoulders of others. Over the generations in which we were persecuted and exiled and slaughtered, we learned not only the pain of exile and subjugation, but also contempt for tyranny. Was that only a case of sour grapes? Are we now nurturing the dream of slaves who wish to reign?[6] Katznelson also spoke of Jewish self-hatred, saying: \"Is there another People on Earth so emotionally twisted that they consider everything their nation does despicable and hateful, while every murder, rape, robbery committed by their enemies fill their hearts with admiration and awe?\"[7] Katznelson died of an aneurysm in 1944 and was buried at his request in the cemetery on the shores of the Sea of Galilee, next to Sarah Shmukler.[8] Memories of Katznelson In her biography, Golda Meir remembers Berl Katznelson as a pivotal figure in the life of the Jewish community in Palestine: \"Berl was not at all physically impressive. He was small, his hair was always untidy, his clothes always looked rumpled. But his lovely smile lit up his face, and [he] looked right through you, so that no one who ever talked to Berl forgot him. I think of him as I saw him, hundreds of times, buried in a shabby old armchair in one of the two book-lined rooms in which he lived in the heart of old Tel-Aviv, where everyone came to see him and where he worked (because he hated going to an office). \'Berl would like you to stop by\' was like a command that no one disobeyed. Not that he held court or ever gave orders, but nothing was done, no decision of any importance to the Labour movement in particular or the yishuv in general, was taken without Berl\'s opinion being sought first.\"[9] Commemoration Katznelson is commemorated in many places, in name. Beit Berl near Tzofit, Ohalo (lit. his tent) on Sea of Galilee, and Kibbutz Be\'eri (which takes Katznelson\'s literary name).[10] Many streets throughout Israel are named in his memory. Israeli Postal Service issued a Berl Katzenelson commemorative stamp. [11][12]