KIBBUTZ HAGGADAH BOOK Israel 1948 INDEPENDENCE Judaica HOLOCAUST Jewish CATALOG

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KIBBUTZ HAGGADAH BOOK Israel 1948 INDEPENDENCE Judaica HOLOCAUST Jewish CATALOG:
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DESCRIPTION : The HEBREW Zionist KIBBUTZ HAGGADOT ( Haggadah shel Pessach - Passover ) , With their ZIONIST & HISTORICAL unorthodox text , With their VERY STRONG RELATION to the main two historical events of the JEWISH PEOPLE in the 20th Century - Namely The HOLOCAUST , The WW2 , The GHETTOS, The extermination of Jews in Europe by the Nazi beast but also the uprise and revolt by the Jewish partisans , The feelings of pain and grief as well as the desire to revenge , The establishment of the INDEPENDENT STATE of ISRAEL and its heroic 1948 War of Independence. and their SECULAR , Somewhat romantic TEXT and GRAPHIC DESIGN became a MOST SOUGHT AFTER and DESIREABLE Judaica COLLECTIBLE ITEM in the recent years . Here for sale is a MOST THOROUGH , RICHLY and BEAUTIFULLY ILLUSTRATED reference book , A GUIDE or a CATALOGUE of remarkable size and scope , Presenting in TEXT and PICTURES around 200 representative KIBBUTZ HAGGADOT , Explaining their typical TYPES , Devided by KIBBUTZIM , KIBBUTZIM MOVEMENTS , PUBLICATION PERIODS , DESIGNERS etc. As far as I\'m familliar with , The FIRST and ONLY reference book ( Or ALBUM so to speak ) on the thrilling subjest of the Judaica KIBBUTZ HAGGADAH . Less than a decade old and yet , Mostly thought after . Throughout illustrated . Original HC. Original illustrated DJ.10.5 x 11.5\" .204throughout illustratedpp.Excellent condition. Tightly bound. Absolutely clean and unstained. ( Pls look at scan for accurate AS IS images ). Will be sent inside a protective rigid envelope .PAYMENTS : Payment method accepted : Paypal .SHIPPMENT :SHIPP worldwide via registered airmail is $14 .Will be sent inside a protective envelope . Estimated duration around 14 days after payment.
Passover haggadot in the kibbutz. The album is a detailed account of the creative work of a few generations of kibbutz members.ABSTRACT FROM AUTHORCopyright of Israel Studies is the property of Indiana University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder\'s express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. Excerpt from Article: Muki Tsur Pesach in the Land of Israel: Kibbutz Haggadot* ABSTRACT This article is a condensation of research that was made for a recently published album on Passover haggadot in the kibbutz. The album is a detailed account of the creative work of a few generations of kibbutz members. It is nearly a century since the first kibbutz was established at Degania in 1910.1 From its beginnings, the kibbutz has been conscious of the need to create what is today termed \"collective memory.\" It has preserved its experiences through a host of writings including essays, diaries, remembrance books, and \"soul revealing\" letters that members wrote each other. This literature has often been processed in a formal and didactic way. The creation of haggadot for the [Passover] Seder is but another example of an essentially educational exercise. These haggadot, in particular, reflect central issues that concerned kibbutz members and their systematic analysis indicates changes in kibbutz society and thinking.2 The search for a new and distinctive, if not revolutionary, path for the kibbutz movement is found at its origins in the Second Aliya (1904-1914).3 At the same time, some veteran members felt the need to maintain elements of the traditional faith of the parents that still beckoned and attracted. This article is a condensation of research that was made for a recently published album on Passover haggadot in the kibbutz. The album is a detailed account of the creative work of a few generations of kibbutz members. In 1960 Avraham Yaari edited a catalogue of 2717 Passover haggadot that had been published between 1482 and 1960. Kibbutz haggadot did not appear in the catalogue because they deviated from the traditional text. When we investigated the major archives, we found over 500 kibbutz haggadot from 1930 to 1960. Naturally only a small portion of this treasure could be presented in the album. Studies on haggadot have seen them as reflections of Jewish life in different periods; studies on kibbutz haggadot have also viewed them as mirrors of the history of the kibbutz and its members. In our study the picture is the main element. The reader enters the world of the settlers who were involved in the great drama of identity reconstruction and social engineering, and who wanted to integrate their individualism into the communal life they were trying to build. Immense tension existed between the settler, immigrant, and laborer over their expectations and demands of communal living.4 This tension, as great as the distance between our world and that of the first kibbutz pioneers, is clearly reflected on the pages of the kibbutz haggadot. Furthermore, the kibbutz was built in the shadow of the destruction, extermination and bereavement of the Jewish people, disasters that appear on the pages of the kibbutz haggadot. But the haggadot also reflect the pioneers\' unwillingness to accept this situation and their thirst for life\'s positive side, love\'s reawakening, and a world free of bondage and misery. The kibbutz members\' lives were filled with labor in Eretz-Israel, the building of a moral society, and the deep awareness of the enormity of the challenge they faced. This tension forms an inseparable part of their haggadot. There were other frictions. Today\'s children seem to ask the Four Questions with greater confidence than their parents who answer them.5 The older generation was obviously worried over the state of the world and the nation. The writer Yosef Chaim Brenner (1881-1921) claimed that he was unable to take part in the Seder because the Jewish people had not yet come out of Egypt.6 They were still living in personal and social exile. Despite this, spring stubbornly returns each year, and we know that the month of spring is the season for renewal. Here too, in the Promised Land--the destination of those who left Egypt, we continue to rejuvenate. Passover IN ERETZ-ISRAEL THE SECOND ALIYA The celebrants at the new Eretz-Israel Passover probably suspected that the traditional Seder had come to represent the exile.7 During Passover in Eretz-Israel, before the destruction of the Second Temple in 70 a.d., Jewish masses would ascend to Jerusalem and camp out under the stars. On the other hand, the traditional Seder takes place inside the family home. Instead of a magnificent outdoor public ritual, the Passover evening became a pedagogical, almost intimate family affair reminding the participants of how the holiday had once been celebrated. Instead of a mass experience at eventide exalting the reality of the here and now and rejoicing in the national spirit, the traditional post-Second Temple Seder only left the front door open for the paupers and Elijah--the mystical forerunner of the Messiah. In the aphorism \"every generation a person must see himself as though he went out of Egypt,\" the observers of Passover in the Exile suspected that the phrase \"as though\" was the key idea. The near-hermetically enclosed space of the home (excluding temporarily the open door for the cup of Elijah) only hints at the huge public sacrifice that used to take place outdoors in the vast camping grounds in view of the majestic Temple Mount. For the Zionist revolutionary, however, the actual experience of the Exodus took place not via a memorial ritual but in the search for freedom by immigrating to EretzIsrael and investing in the landscape, art, politics, and labor from which the Jewish people had been detached for so many generations. The main feeling was that the Passover haggada and the form of the holiday as midrash (homiletic interpretation of the Scriptures) were not accidental. The aim of the textual midrash was to recall the ancient events and at the same time to freeze the vitality contained in them. Thus, a holiday that commemorated the going forth to freedom also mourned the loss of that freedom and restrained the urge for its restoration. In this fashion, the traditional Passover actually inhibited the celebration of renewal. The traditional Seder includes hints of the wheat and barley fields and lifestyle of the shepherd, but how much of this is actually incorporated into the Seder and the holiday evening? Perhaps the removal of agriculture and the Holy Temple from the festival\'s content contains the seeds of an exiled nation\'s reconciliation to its fate. If the Exodus narrative was vital to the holiday, then why was the traditional haggada converted from a biblical tale replete with heroes and courageous deeds into legalistic sermonizing that eclipses the national characters, tension, rhythm, and historical drama? Why did later expositors censor the biblical narrative and marginalize Moses and Aaron? Traces of such criticism of the traditional Seder can be found in scholarly essays, but especially in the development of the Seder in EretzIsrael--in the Zionist haggadot. Already in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries the Jewish Reform Movement and Jewish revolutionary movements were committed to alternative Seders. Changes were introduced into the Reform haggadot for theological reasons, such as elevating Judaism to a universal ethical plane that required expunging blatant references to Jewish nationalism. The Jewish revolutionaries\' replaced the moralizing, pedagogic, legalistic tone of the haggadot with one of revolutionary hope inspired by the Exodus story. They added new interpretations and especially to the Exodus narrative. The Exodus was transformed into a slave revolt that paralleled the Workers Revolution becoming the hope for the end of man\'s rule over man. Unlike the changes in the Eretz-Israel Passover, the new Seders of the revolutionaries and Reform Jews included textual changes. The young Zionists followed in this tradition of questioning and change. For example, when the revolutionary movements in Russia and the Zionist-Socialist Party went through a crisis after the failure of the first Russian revolution, Zionist-socialists began to advocate vigorously leaving Eastern Europe. They viewed exile and the Jews\' indifference toward economic and existential hardships as a dangerous trap. Ben-Zion Dinur (1884-1973), the noted Jewish historian and Israel\'s first Minister of Education and Culture, illuminates how present concerns were reflected in the haggada in his memoirs.8 He recalled an invitation to a Seder organized by Eliezer Schein, the leader of the Labor Party and Berl Katznelson\'s mentor, before Katznelson (1887-1944) made aliya.9 It was a difficult period. The Zionist movements appeared to have collapsed; their members had lost all sense of direction. A young party member, Zelig, even committed suicide out of despair. Schein expressed this tragedy by explaining that the traditional haggada justified exile by reflecting the Jews\' inability to leave Egypt. The first hints of changes in the Eretz-Israel Passover took place on the holiday evening. The traditional Seder was held only part of the night, after which the young people stepped outside with the workers and began singing and dancing in large gatherings. The moon, stars, and nature played were important features on these nights. Ecstatic social encounters complemented the traditional Seder. Instead of the extended family that opened its door to the destitute and the holy messenger, the young congregation went forth to the sandy areas and open spaces to celebrate the festival and inhale in the newly arrived spring. Circle dancing (the hora) lasted for hours, a jaunty beat was added to the traditional tunes, and exhilarated singing diverged from the pedagogical text. Instead of the traditional haggada which explicitly divided the roles between father of the household, wife, children, and guests, the spontaneous cluster of youth resembled something closer to anarchy. There was no father present, only a youthful congregation exuberantly celebrating springtime outdoors. This was the basis of what would later develop into the communal Seder, held in a large area without the division of traditional roles or a confining space. In many places in Eretz-Israel during the Second Aliya, the workers ceased to read the traditional haggada. Even if they had it before them, they referred to and adapted it with singing, readings, music, and dancing. A different haggada was in the process of creation even before World War I. The introduction of contemporary Hebrew literature into the Seder was based on the view that it was holy literature. It was seen as the purest expression of moral truth--an individual and social dream of the new Hebrew who was waiting to emerge. The pioneers read the poems of Bialik (1873-1934), and recited literary passages suited for a generation that regarded itself as the Exodus generation.10 Besides the reading of texts, the pioneers also expressed their personal feelings at the Seder. Had man really changed? Did he really sense the revolution, the liberation in the Exodus? Passover night was not only a ritual but also an opportunity to test the psychological adjustment of the new immigrants to their new country. Sometimes the reckoning was not simple but the fact that it took place at all was expression of the \"exodus\", of the long-awaited personal liberation. The interest in the new Hebrew literature was also tied to the creation of a new text that would incorporate the Passover experience in EretzIsrael--the encounter with people, the reliving of the Exodus story, and the renewed contact with the Promised Land. From Rachel Katznelson\'s diary: Every Passover evening I would work in my room. The first time, I worked exhaustively and derived pleasure from it. When I finished, everything was good, like new, and I could not even recognize the room, as though it too was happy . . . My soul was brimming over--from labor, from my suffering, from my worries, and from my recent work. I opened the window and stepped outside. It was a warm moonbeam night. The Sea of Galilee was nearby. The street was quiet and for the first time I felt the mystery of Passover night. Not our [Passover], this was a Christian Passover. The night was hallowed. It seemed like Friday night surrounded by the Sabbath, such a night could only be felt as special, filled with holiness. I understood the feelings of Christians. I was alone, close to a bout of serious illnesses, I was disoriented but happy. From the garden-fresh \"trees of life\" in front of the house I picked branches and placed them inside my two joyous letters, one to home and the other to Zalman. I wrote quickly because I knew that such happiness would not last. I spent the first Passover [in Eretz-Israel] in Jerusalem. It was not Passover --for me, it was Jerusalem. The two of us (Hania Yavnieli) walked elatedly. Like in our youth, everything radiated wonderment. Because we had been together in a place strange for a few days, we had a special relationship together. When we passed by a house, exquisite music [flowed out it] into the night. We came upon beautiful pictures and purchased a Michelangelo, we lay in the bed and counted the pictures we had bought. But something else was new, something we had not known before. History had opened before us, revealing the lives of the ancients, the secrets of Jerusalem, city of the king, nestled in the mountains. New buildings [rose] between mounds of stones, lovely ruins, everything was special: the light, the sky, the gray tinge to the mountains, the silent streets whose inhabitants remained hidden, and the black pine trees against the night sky. Holy for all nations! And we also saw the living. First we came to a school for the blind. Beautiful flowers were in the front yard. We found a blind teacher who extended her delicate hand to us, and the blind people with calm faces appeared happy to call out to us as they walked gingerly in the courtyard. We picked flowers from the garden, and the house became a symbol of Jerusalem. We often visited an orphanage. We saw a lovely house with a beautiful roof from where we could see the city and the Mountains of Moav in the sunset; and walking though the house were many little girls all dressed alike. It was a sad sight; it was painful to see so many little girls with the same clothes. The beds stood in a row, one next to the other; I had never seen such cleanliness. I became the \"Seder\" and wanted to cry. . . . That evening the \"Seder\" was in the room that I had cleaned from morning to night. I worked fretfully with the thought that I would not finish in time, but I finished the job. I have not ceased to get emotional over this. Rachel Katznelson, Man as He Is (ed) Michal Hagati, pp. 109-110 [Hebrew]. Old Man Gordon Dances with the Young Bussel A Memorial: [This was my] first Seder in Um-Juni (Degania), in the year 1911. I was with a handful of male and female colleagues who, with radiating expressions on the Israel faces, were reading the new \"Why is This Night Different\" in our lives, and I asked myself: Who is listening? Were their parents and younger brothers and sisters scattered throughout the world listening to the sounds of the new haggada? Our gathering at the evening Seder ended in a tempest of dancing. Old Man Gordon and the young Bussel joined in a rousing dance singing: \"Morning, Morning! Here comes morning--and it\'s off to work. (Yosef Sprinzak, Degania, 1911) Changes in the pioneers\' Seder took place not only in the spiritual breakthrough of the new Hebrew literature but also in song. During the First Aliya (1882-1904)11 an important liturgical turning-point had already occurred in Jewish-Hebrew music. Poets and musicians rewrote old songs, changed words and melodies, modified the beat and direction, intermixed religious and secular tunes, derived inspiration from Western, Eastern, local, and classical music, and made these creations a central part of a new public culture of communal singing. Teachers, intellectuals, and artists signed an unwritten pact with the young public that was seeking edification and the sense of solidarity. Students and pioneers gathered for public singing; Passover evening became a glorification and victory march of Hebrew song that may have originated in distant lands, but in Eretz-Israel they received a special flavor. On the Passover of 1917, the Turkish rulers of the country ordered the residents of Tel-Aviv to evacuate the city. Almost 8,000 people were listed for expulsion. A sense of dispossession accompanied the eviction notice. The expulsion was in effect exile from the homeland. Anxiety-ridden settlers prepared to leave their homes, although not from Egypt but, for a considerable number, to refuge in Egypt. Many felt the symbolism of their plight. In the north of the country, at the settlement of Kinneret (on the Sea of Galilee), refugees and members of several kevutzot sat down for a special fraternity Seder among religious and non-religious Jews, workers and land-owners. They awaited the Exodus from Egypt in the form of liberation from the Ottoman government. A great fear of genocide pervaded the air. On the eve of World War I the Yishuv numbered 85,000.12 At the outset of the war 12,000 Jews who rejected Ottoman citizenship left the country. Most went to Egypt. The following year the country was flooded with rumors of the horrific massacre of the Armenians. The communal Seder at Kinneret demonstrated the wish for unity during the severe crisis. As far as we know, the collective meal was accompanied with profuse singing and wildflower decorations, and one of the pioneers who prepared the meal and covered the gray tables declaimed one of Bialik\'s poems. The Seder did not announce itself as iconoclastic or revolutionary. The traditional haggada seems to have been kept, but the atmosphere was different. Tel-Aviv\'s religiously-observant refugees now lodged in the north of the county were in the most vexatious situation. They hoped that there would be matzot for Passover, but this was not the case. No Seder was held that evening, and the pious among the Tel-Aviv evacuees were left with a deep scar. Ironically, Passover in Eretz-Israel was cancelled, whereas those who left for to Egypt celebrated the holiday. There was an overriding sense of fear and privation in the country; the nightmare had brought everything to a halt, even sacred tradition. But in the darkest days of the crucible, something new was revealed. In the early period of the Second Aliya, Eretz-Israel Seders were based on feelings tied to moods, encounters with the landscape, large convocations, youthful singing and dancing, abbreviated Passover texts, the blurring of traditional roles as well as the longing for the parents\' home. People were unaware that a cultural revolution was taking place. The transition was not sudden, nor did everyone participate in it. The crystallization of the evening Seder was a gradual experience shared by many. THE THIRD ALIYA The pioneers of the Third Aliya (1919-1923) brought a radical wind to the country.13 Itinerant groups of newcomers lived highly intense lives and passionately sought to build a new world, a new Zionism, a new way of community living. But the inner images and shocking conditions that the fiery enthusiasm obscured made an impact on the young pioneers. They witnessed the frightful weakness of their parents\' generation that had failed to solve basic human problems. They witnessed the battlefields and carnage of World War I, the wanderings of the Jewish masses, and the murderous pogroms that had destroyed Jewish communities and put Jewish defense in a state of helplessness--all of these scenarios undermined their basic belief in human and Jewish culture. Although the Third Aliya was more organized into groups along a common pioneering ideal, a deeper spirit of iconoclasm pervaded. The pioneers came with ecstatic moods, artistic sensitivity, quests that fluctuated between despondency and hope. The Third Aliya was influenced by radical revolutionary politics and educational psychology that was bitterly critical of social and family conditions. The human laboratory worked overtime with the result that groups became intensively melded