GIANT 38 x 28” Vintage HERZL POSTER Judaica ISRAEL FLAG Jewish EMBLEM Menorah VR


GIANT 38 x 28” Vintage HERZL POSTER Judaica ISRAEL FLAG Jewish EMBLEM Menorah VR

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GIANT 38 x 28” Vintage HERZL POSTER Judaica ISRAEL FLAG Jewish EMBLEM Menorah VR:
$79.00


DESCRIPTION :Here for sale is aQUITERARE and ORIGINAL vintage ISRAEL JEWISH HEBREW JUDAICA poster of EXCEPTIONALGIANT SIZE ( Around 38” x 28” ) which was issuedthe1970\'s,AroundFOURTYYEARS AGO , Propebly for theoccasion of the ISRAEL DAY OF INDEPENDENCE , Depicting animpressivephotographedimage of HERZL side by side with the 5President of Israel Yitzhak Navon and the EMBLEM of the Independent State ofIsrael , The EMBLEM consists on an ancient - Antiquetypical Jewish MENORAH of seven canes between 2 symbolic brances of OLIVE TREE( Sign for peace ) and the writing\"ISRAEL\" . Also present are 2ISRAELI FlagS with the MAGEN DAVID ( David shield or David Shield of Arms ) . ARARE Judaica artifact.. Printed on quite heavy stock .Dimensions around 38”x 28 \" . Good condition.Slightly creased . 1” restored on leftmargins. ( Pls look at scan foraccurate AS IS images ) Poster will be sent rolledin a special protective rigid sealed package.

AUTHENTICITY :The posterisfullyguaranteed ORIGINAL fromca 1970\'s, NOT areproduction ,It holds a life long GUARANTEE for itsAUTHENTICITYand ORIGINALITY.

PAYMENTS : Payment method accepted: PAYPAL.SHIPPING : Shipp worldwide viaregistered airmail is $18 . Posterwill be sent rolled in a special protective rigid sealed package. Handling within 3-5 days after payment. Estimated duration 14 days.





The Emblem of the State of Israel (Hebrew: סמל מדינת ישראל) shows a menorah surrounded by an olivebranch on each side, and the writing \"ישראל\"(Hebrewfor Israel) below it. Most commonly light blue and white, the coat ofarms does appear in different colour combinations depending on the use . Theimage used on the emblem is based on a depiction of the menorah on the Arch ofTitus. The menorah was used in the ancient Temple in Jerusalem and has been asymbol of Judaism since ancient times. It symbolizes universal enlightenment. Theemblem may also be based on the vision of the biblical prophet Zechariah, chapter4, where he describes seeing a menorah flanked by two olive trees, one on eachside.The olive branches symbolize peace. The Flag of Israel (Hebrew: דגל ישראל Degel Yisrael, Arabic: علم إسرائيل \'Alam Isra\'īl) was adopted on October28, 1948, five months after the country\'s establishment. It depicts a blue hexagramon a white background, between two horizontal blue stripes. The blue colour ismandated only as \"dark sky-blue\",and varies from Flag to Flag,ranging from a hue of pure blue, sometimes shaded almost as dark as navy blue,to hues about 75% toward pure cyan and shades as light as very light blue. TheFlag was designed for the Zionist Movement in 1891. The basic design recallsthe Ashkenazi Tallit, the Jewish prayer shawl, which is white with bluestripes. The symbol in the centre represents the Magen David (\"Starof David\"), a Jewish symbol dating from late medieval Prague, which wasadopted by the First Zionist Congress in 1897 In 2007, an Israeli Flagmeasuring 660 by 100 metres and weighing 5.2 tonnes was unfurled near theancient Jewish fortress of Masada, breaking the world record for the largestFlag. ****Theodor Herzl(Hebrew:תאודור הֶרְצֵל‎Te\'odor Hertsel,Hungarian:Herzl Tivadar; May 2, 1860– July 3, 1904), bornBenjamin Ze\'ev Herzl(Hebrew:בִּנְיָמִין זְאֵב הֶרְצֵל‎Binyamin Ze\'ev Hertsel), also known in Hebrew asחוֹזֵה הַמְדִינָה‎,Chozeh HaMedinah(lit. \"Visionary of the State\") was anAustro-Hungarianjournalist, playwright, political activist, and writer. He was one of the fathers of modern politicalZionism. Herzl formed theWorld Zionist Organizationand promoted Jewish migration toPalestinein an effort to form a Jewish state (Israel).While Herzl is often mistakenly identified as the first majorZionistactivist, scholars such asYehuda Bibas,Zvi Hirsch KalischerandJudah Alkalaiwere promoting Zionist ideas before him.Contents[hide]1 Early life2 Zionist intellectual and activist2.1 A philosophy for a homeland2.2 Diplomatic liaison with the Ottomans2.3 A World Congress2.4 Herzl, Zionism and the Holy Land3 Death and burial4 Family5 Writings5.1 List of works6 See also7 References8 Bibliography8.1 Primary and secondary sources8.1.1 Biographies of Theodor Herzl8.1.2 Articles8.2 Films9 External linksEarly life[edit]Herzl and his family, c. 1866–1873He was born inPest, the Eastern part ofBudapest,Kingdom of Hungary(nowHungary), to asecular Jewishfamily. His father\'s family were originally from Zimony (todayZemun,Serbia).[1]He was the second child of Jeanette and Jakob Herzl, who were German-speaking, assimilated Jews.Jakob Herzl (1836–1902), Herzl\'s father, was a highly successful businessman. Herzl had one sister, Pauline, a year older than he was, who died suddenly on February 7, 1878, oftyphus.[2]Theodor lived with his family in a house next to theDohány Street Synagogue(formerly known as Tabakgasse Synagogue) located inBelváros, the inner city of the historical old town ofPest, in the Eastern section ofBudapest.[3][4]As a youth, Herzl aspired to follow in the footsteps ofFerdinand de Lesseps,[5]builder of theSuez Canal, but did not succeed in the sciences and instead developed a growing enthusiasm for poetry and the humanities. This passion later developed into a successful career in journalism and a less-celebrated pursuit of playwrighting.[6]According to Amos Elon,[7]As a young man, Herzl was an ardent Germanophile who saw the Germans as the bestKulturvolk(cultured people) in Central Europe and embraced the German ideal ofBildung, whereby reading great works of literature by Goethe and Shakespeare could allow one to appreciate the beautiful things in life, and thus become a morally better person (theBildungtheory tended to equate beauty with goodness).[8]ThroughBildung, Herzl believed that Hungarian Jews such as himself could shake off their \"shameful Jewish characteristics\" caused by long centuries of impoverishment and oppression, and become civilized Central Europeans, a trueKulturvolkalong the German lines.[8]In 1878, after the death of his sister, Pauline, the family moved toVienna, Austria-Hungary, and lived in the 9th district,Alsergrund. At the University of Vienna, Herzl studied law. As a young law student, Herzl became a member of the German nationalistBurschenschaft(fraternity) Albia, which had the mottoEhre, Freiheit, Vaterland(\"Honor, Freedom, Fatherland\"). He later resigned in protest at the organisation\'santisemitism.[9]After a brief legal career in theUniversity of ViennaandSalzburg,[10]he devoted himself tojournalismandliterature, working as a journalist for a Viennese newspaper and a correspondent forNeue Freie Presse, in Paris, occasionally making special trips toLondonandIstanbul. He later became literary editor ofNeue Freie Presse, and wrote several comedies and dramas for the Viennese stage. His early work did not focus on Jewish life. It was of thefeuilletonorder, descriptive rather than political.[11]Zionist intellectual and activist[edit]Theodor Herzl in Basel, 1897A plaque marking the birthplace of Theodor Herzl,Dohány Street Synagogue,Budapest.As the Paris correspondent forNeue Freie Presse, Herzl followed theDreyfus affair, a notoriousanti-semiticincident in France in which aJewish Frencharmy captain was falsely convicted of spying forGermany. Herzl was witness to mass rallies in Paris following the Dreyfus trial. There has been some controversy surrounding the impact that this event had on Herzl and his conversion to Zionism. Herzl himself stated that the Dreyfus case turned him into a Zionist and that he was particularly affected by chants of \"Death to the Jews!\" from the crowds. This had been the widely held belief for some time. However, some modern scholars now believe that due to little mention of the Dreyfus affair in Herzl\'s earlier accounts and a seemingly contrary reference he made in them to shouts of \"Death to the traitor!\" that he may have exaggerated the influence it had on him in order to create further support for his goals.[12][13]Jacques Kornberg claims that the Dreyfus influence was a myth that Herzl did not feel necessary to deflate and that he also believed that Dreyfus was guilty.[14]Another modern claim is that, while upset by antisemitism evident inFrench society, Herzl, like most contemporary observers, initially believed in Dreyfus\' guilt and only claimed to have been inspired by the affair years later when it had become an internationalcause celebreand that, rather, it was the rise to power of the anti-Semitic demagogueKarl Luegerin Vienna in 1895 that seems to have had a greater effect on Herzl, before the pro-Dreyfus campaign had fully emerged. It was at this time that Herzl wrote his play \"The New Ghetto,\" which shows the ambivalence and lack of real security and equality of emancipated, well-to-do Jews in Vienna.According toHenry Wickham Steed, Herzl was initially \"fanatically devoted to the propagation of Jewish-German \'Liberal\' assimilationist doctrine\".[15]However, Herzl came to reject his early ideas regardingJewish emancipationandassimilationand to believe that the Jews must remove themselves from Europe.[16]Herzl grew to believe that antisemitism could not be defeated or cured, only avoided, and that the only way to avoid it was the establishment of a Jewish state.[17]In June, 1895, he wrote in his diary: \"In Paris, as I have said, I achieved a freer attitude toward anti-semitism... Above all, I recognized the emptiness and futility of trying to \'combat\' anti-semitism.\" Herzl\'s editors of Neue Freie Presse refused any publication of his Zionist political activities. A mental clash gripped Herzl, between the craving for literary success and a desire to act as a public figure.[18]Around this time, Herzl started writing pamphlets about \'A Jewish State\'. Herzl claimed that these pamphlets resulted in the establishment of the Zionist Movement, and they did play a large role in the movement\'s rise and success.[19]His testimony before the British Royal Commission reflected his fundamental, romantic liberal view on life as the \'Problem of the Jews\'.Beginning in late 1895, Herzl wroteDer Judenstaat(The State of the Jews), which was published February 1896 to immediate acclaim and controversy. The book argued that the Jewish people should leave Europe if they wished to, either for Argentina or, preferably, for Palestine, their historic homeland. The Jews possessed a nationality; all they were missing was a nation and a state of their own.[20]Only through a Jewish state could they avoid antisemitism, express their culture freely and practice their religion without hindrance.[20]Herzl’s ideas spread rapidly throughout the Jewish world and attracted international attention.[21]Supporters of existing Zionist movements, such as theHovevei Zion, immediately allied themselves with him, but establishment Jewry vilified him and considered his ideas as a threat to their attempts at integration and a rebellion against God.A philosophy for a homeland[edit]InDer Judenstaathe writes:\"The Jewish question persists wherever Jews live in appreciable numbers. Wherever it does not exist, it is brought in together with Jewish immigrants. We are naturally drawn into those places where we are not persecuted, and our appearance there gives rise to persecution. This is the case, and will inevitably be so, everywhere, even in highly civilised countries—see, for instance, France—so long as the Jewish question is not solved on the political level.\"[22]The book concludes:Therefore I believe that a wondrous generation of Jews will spring into existence. The Maccabeans will rise again.Let me repeat once more my opening words: The Jews who wish for a State will have it.We shall live at last as free men on our own soil, and die peacefully in our own homes.The world will be freed by our liberty, enriched by our wealth, magnified by our greatness.And whatever we attempt there to accomplish for our own welfare, will react powerfully and beneficially for the good of humanity.[23]Herzl considered himself to be an atheist and even his new attachment to Jewish nationalism was neither motivated nor accompanied by a return to Judaism.[24]Diplomatic liaison with the Ottomans[edit]Herzl began to energetically promote his ideas, continually attracting supporters, Jewish and non-Jewish. According to Norman Rose, Herzl \"mapped out for himself the role of martyr ... as theParnellof the Jews\".[25]On March 10, 1896, Herzl was visited by ReverendWilliam Hechler, the Anglican minister to the British Embassy. Hechler had read Herzl\'sDer Judenstaat, and the meeting became central to the eventual legitimization of Herzl and Zionism.,[26]Herzl later wrote in his diary, \"Next we came to the heart of the business. I said to him: (Theodor Herzl to Rev. William Hechler) I must put myself into direct and publicly known relations with a responsible or non responsible ruler– that is, with a minister of state or a prince. Then the Jews will believe in me and follow me. The most suitable personage would be the German Kaiser.\"[27]Hechler arranged an extended audience withFrederick I, Grand Duke of Baden, in April, 1896. The Grand Duke was the uncle of the German EmperorWilhelm II. Through the efforts of Hechler and the Grand Duke, Herzl publicly met Wilhelm II in 1898. The meeting significantly advanced Herzl\'s and Zionism\'s legitimacy in Jewish and world opinion.[28]In May 1896, the English translation ofDer Judenstaatappeared in London asThe Jewish State. Herzl had earlier confessed to his friendMax Bodenheimerthat he \"wrote what I had to say without knowing my predecessors, and it can be assumed that I would not have written it [Der Judenstaat] had I been familiar with the literature\".[29]A sketch in Herzl\'s Diary of a proposed Flag for theZionistmovement.Herzl on board a vessel reaching the shores of Palestine, 1898In Istanbul, Ottoman Empire, June 15, 1896, Herzl saw an opportunity. With the assistance ofCount Filip Michał Newleński,[30]a sympatheticPolishémigré with political contacts in the Ottoman Court, Herzl attempted to meet SultanAbdulhamid IIin order to present his solution of a Jewish State to the Sultan directly. He failed to obtain an audience but did succeed in visiting a number of highly placed individuals, including the Grand Vizier, who received him as a journalist representing theNeue Freie Presse. Herzl presented his proposal to the Grand Vizier: the Jews would pay the Turkish foreign debt and attempt to help regulate Turkish finances if they were given Palestine as a Jewish homeland under Turkish rule. Prior to leaving Istanbul, June 29, 1896, Newleński obtained for Herzl a symbolic medal of honor.[31]The medal, the \"Commander\'s Cross of theOrder of the Medjidie\", was a public relations affirmation for Herzl and the Jewish world of the seriousness of the negotiations.Five years later, May 17, 1901, Herzl did meet with SultanAbdulhamid II,[32]but the Sultan refused Theodor Herzl\'s offer to consolidate the Ottoman debt in exchange for a charter allowing the Zionists access toPalestine.[33]Returning from Istanbul, Herzl traveled to London to report back to theMaccabeans, a proto-Zionist group of established English Jews led by ColonelAlbert Goldsmid. In November 1895 they received him with curiosity, indifference and coldness.Israel Zangwillbitterly opposed Herzl, but after Istanbul Goldsmid agreed to support Herzl. In London\'s East End, a community of primarily Yiddish speaking recent Eastern European Jewish immigrants, Herzl addressed a mass rally of thousands on July 12, 1896 and was received with acclaim. They granted Herzl the mandate of leadership for Zionism. Within six months this mandate had been expanded throughout Zionist Jewry: the Zionist movement grew rapidly.A World Congress[edit]In 1897, at considerable personal expense, he foundedDie Weltof Vienna, Austria-Hungary, and planned theFirst Zionist CongressinBasel, Switzerland. He was elected president (a position he held until his death in 1904), and in 1898 he began a series of diplomatic initiatives to build support for a Jewish country. He was received by Wilhelm II on several occasions, one of them inJerusalem, and attended theHague Peace Conference, enjoying a warm reception from many statesmen there.His work onAutoemancipationwas pre-figured by a similar conclusion drawn by Marx\'s friendMoses Hess, inRome and Jerusalem(1862). Pinkser had never yet read it, but was aware of the distant and far offHibbat Zion. Herzl\'s philosophical instruction highlighted the weaknesses and vulnerabilities. To Herzl each dictator or leader had a nationalistic identity, even down to the Irish from Wolfe Tone onwards. He was drawn to the mawkishness of Judaism rendered distinctively as German. But he remained convinced that Germany was the centre(Hauptsitz)of anti-semitism rather than France. In a much quoted aside he noted \"If there is one thing I should like to be, it is a member of old Prussian nobility\" ([34]Herzl appealed to the nobility of Jewish England - the Rothschilds, Sir Samuel Montagu, later cabinet minister, to the Chief Rabbis of France and Vienna, the railroad magnate, Baron Hirsch.He fared best withIsrael Zangwill, andMax Nordau. They were both well-known writers or \'men of letters\'—imagination that engenders understanding. Hirsch\'s correspondence led nowhere.Baron Albert Rothschildhad little to do with the Jews[35]Herzl was disliked by the bankers(Finanzjuden)and detested them. Herzl was defiant of their social authority. He also shared Pinkser\'s pessimistic opinion that the Jews had no future in Europe; that they were too anti-semitic to tolerate because each country in Europe had tried anti-Semitic Assimilation. In Berlin they saidJuden rausin a well worn phrase. Herzl therefore advocated a mass exodus from Europe to theJudenstaat. Pinkser\'s manifesto was a cry for help; a warning to othersMahnruf, a call for attention to their plight. Herzl\'s vision was less about mental states of Jewry, and more about delivering prescriptive answers about land. \"The idea that i have developed is a very old one; it is the restoration of the Jewish State\",[36]was a follow-up of Pinkser\'s early weaker versionMahnruf an seine Stammesgenossen von einem nassichen Juden[37]Herzl, Zionism and the Holy Land[edit]Herzl visited Jerusalem for the first time in October 1898.[38]He deliberately coordinated his visit with that of Wilhelm II to secure what he thought had been prearranged with the aid of Rev.William Hechler, public world power recognition of himself and Zionism.[39]Herzl and Wilhelm II first met publicly on October 29, atMikveh Israel, near present-dayHolon, Israel. It was a brief but historic meeting.[26]He had a second formal, public audience with the emperor at the latter\'s tent camp onStreet of the Prophetsin Jerusalem on November 2, 1898.[28][40][41]The English Zionist Federation, the local branch of the World Zionist Organization was founded in 1899, that Herzl had established in Austria in 1897.[42]In 1902–03, Herzl was invited to give evidence before the BritishRoyal Commission on Alien Immigration. His appearance brought him into close contact with members of the British government, particularly withJoseph Chamberlain, then secretary of state for the colonies, through whom he negotiated with the Egyptian government for a charter for the settlement of the Jews inAl \'Arishin theSinai Peninsula, adjoining southern Palestine.In 1903, Herzl attempted to obtain support for the Jewish homeland fromPope Pius X, an idea broached at 6th Zionist Congress. Palestine could offer a safe refuge for those fleeing persecution in Russia.[43]CardinalRafael Merry del Valordained that the Church\'s policy was explainednon possumuson such matters, decreeing that as long as the Jews denied the divinity of Christ, the Catholics could not make a declaration in their favour.[44]The pogroms included 47 Jews murdered atKishinev, and hundreds more injured, their property looted and destroyed. The delegates to the Congress backed Herzl\'s line of argument. A vociferous minority of opposition came from those who thought adoption of a Ugandan Plan over Palestine was a sell-out. Still later the East African Scheme failed, dying with Herzl himself. It was taken off the agenda in 1905. Yet another nationalistic splinter group with Zionist aspirations, in England called the Jewish Territorial Association (JTO) was founded.After the failure of that scheme, which took him toCairo, he received, throughLeopold Greenberg, an offer (August 1903) from the British government to facilitate a large Jewish settlement, with autonomous government and under Britishsuzerainty, inBritish East Africa. At the same time, the Zionist movement was threatened by the Russian government. Accordingly, Herzl visitedSt. Petersburgand was received bySergei Witte, then finance minister, andViacheslav Plehve, minister of the interior, the latter placing on record the attitude of his government toward the Zionist movement. On that occasion Herzl submitted proposals for the amelioration of the Jewish position in Russia. He published the Russian statement, and brought the British offer, commonly known as the \"Uganda Project\", before the Sixth Zionist Congress (Basel, August 1903), carrying the majority (295:178, 98 abstentions) on the question of investigating this offer, after the Russian delegation stormed out.[45]In 1905 the 6th Zionist Congress, after investigations, decided to decline the British offer and firmly committed itself to a Jewish homeland in Palestine.[46]AHeimstatte—a homeland for the Jewish people in Palestine secured by public law.[47]Death and burial[edit]Honor guard stands beside Herzl\'s coffin onMount HerzlinJerusalemHerzl\'s grave in 1921First grave of Theodor Herzl in thecemetery of Döbling,Vienna.Herzl did not live to see the rejection of the Uganda plan. At 5 p.m. July 3, 1904, in Edlach, a village insideReichenau an der Rax,Lower Austria, Theodor Herzl, having been diagnosed with a heart issue earlier in the year, died of cardiacsclerosis. A day before his death, he told theReverend William H. Hechler: \"Greet Palestine for me. I gave my heart\'s blood for my people.\"[48]His will stipulated that he should have the poorest-class funeral without speeches or flowers and he added, \"I wish to be buried in the vault beside my father, and to lie there till the Jewish people shall take my remains to Israel\".[49]Nevertheless, some six thousand followed Herzl\'s hearse, and the funeral was long and chaotic. Despite Herzl\'s request that no speeches be made, a brief eulogy was delivered byDavid Wolffsohn. Hans Herzl, then thirteen, read thekaddish.[50]In 1949, his remains were moved fromViennato be reburied on the top ofMount HerzlinJerusalem, named in his memory.Family[edit]This articlemay be expanded with text translated from thecorresponding articlein Hebrew.(December 2012)Click [show] for important translation instructions.[show]Herzl as a child with his mother Janet and sister PaulineHerzl\'s grandfathers, both of whom he knew, were more closely related to traditional Judaism than were his parents. In Zemun (Zemlin), his grandfatherSimon Loeb Herzl\"had his hands on\" one of the first copies ofJudah Alkalai\'s 1857 work prescribing the \"return of the Jews to the Holy Land and renewed glory of Jerusalem\". Contemporary scholars conclude that Herzl\'s own implementation of modern Zionism was undoubtedly influenced by that relationship. Herzl\'s grandparents\' graves in Semlin can still be visited. Alkalai himself witnessed the rebirth of Serbia from Ottoman rule in the early and mid-19th century and was inspired by the Serbian uprising and subsequent re-creation of Serbia.In June 25, 1889, he married Julie Naschauer, daughter of a wealthy Jewish businessman in Vienna. The marriage was unhappy, although three children were born to it: Paulina, Hans and Margaritha (Trude). Herzl had a strong attachment to his mother, who was unable to get along with his wife. These difficulties were increased by the political activities of his later years, in which his wife took little interest.[51]Herzl and his children in 1900Herzl and his children on a trip in 1900Herzl Statue in DimonaHis daughter Paulina suffered from mental illness and drug addiction. She died in 1930 at the age of 40 of aheroinoverdose.[52]His only son Hans was given a secular upbringing and Herzl notably refused to allow him to be circumcised.[53][54][55]After Herzl\'s early death, Hans successively converted[56]and became a Baptist, then a Catholic, and flirted with other Protestant denominations. He sought a personal salvation for his own religious needs and a universal solution, as had his father, to Jewish suffering caused by antisemitism. Hanz Herzl voluntarily had himself circumcised May 29, 1905;[57]Hans shot himself to death on the day of his sister Paulina\'s funeral; he was 39 years old.[58]Hans left a suicide note explaining his reasons.\"A Jew remains a Jew, no matter how eagerly he may submit himself to the disciplines of his new religion, how humbly he may place the redeeming cross upon his shoulders for the sake of his former coreligionists, to save them from eternal damnation: a Jew remains a Jew. ... I can\'t go on living. I have lost all trust in God. All my life I\'ve tried to strive for the truth, and must admit today at the end of the road that there is nothing but disappointment. Tonight I have said Kaddish for my parents—and for myself, the last descendant of the family. There is nobody who will say Kaddish for me, who went out to find peace—and who may find peace soon. ... My instinct has latterly gone all wrong, and I have made one of those irreparable mistakes, which stamp a whole life with failure. Then it is best to scrap it.\"[59][60]In 2006 the remains of Paulina and Hans were moved fromBordeaux, France, and reburied not far from their father on Mt. Herzl.[58][61][62]Paulina and Hans had little contact with their young sister, \"Trude\" (Margarethe, 1893–1943). She married Richard Neumann, a man 17 years her elder. Neumann lost his fortune in theGreat Depression. Burdened by the steep costs of hospitalizing Trude, who suffered from severe bouts of depressive illness that required repeated hospitalization, the Neumanns\' financial life was precarious. TheNazissent Trude and Richard to theTheresienstadtconcentration camp where they died. Her body wasburned.[58](Her mother, who died in 1907, was cremated. Her ashes were lost by accident.)At the request of his father Richard Neumann, Trude\'s son (Herzl\'s only grandchild), Stephan Theodor Neumann, (1918–1946) was sent for his safety to England in 1935 to the Viennese Zionists and the Zionist Executive in Israel based there .[63]The Neumanns deeply feared for the safety of their only child as violent Austrian antisemitism expanded. In England he read extensively about his grandfather. Zionism had not been a significant part of his background in Austria, but Stephan became an ardent Zionist, was the only descendant of Theodor Herzl to have become one.Anglicizinghis name to Stephen Norman, during World War II, Norman enlisted in theBritish Armyrising to the rank ofCaptainin theRoyal Artillery. In late 1945 and early 1946 he took the opportunity to visit theBritish Mandate of Palestine\"to see what my grandfather had started.\" He wrote in his diary extensively about his trip. What most impressed him was the \"look of freedom\" on the faces of the children, which were not like the sallow look of those from theconcentration campsof Europe. He wrote upon leaving Israel, \"My visit to Israel is over. ... It is said that to go away is to die a little. And I know that when I went away from Erez Israel, I died a little. But sure, then, to return is somehow to be reborn. And I will return.\"[64]Norman planned to return to Israel following his military discharge. The Zionist Executive had worked for years through Dr. L. Lauterbach to get Norman to come to Israel as a symbol of Herzl\'s returning.[65]Operation Agathaof June 29, 1946, precluded that possibility: British military and police fanned out throughout Israel and arrested Jewish activists. About 2,700 individuals were arrested. On July 2, 1946, Norman wrote to Mrs.Stybovitz-Kahn in Haifa. Her father, Jacob Kahn, had been a good friend of Herzl and a well-known Dutch banker before the war. Norman wrote, \"I intend to go to Israel on a long visit in the future, in fact as soon as passport & permit regulations permit. But the dreadful news of the last two days have done nothing to make this easier.\"[66]He never did return to Israel.Artistic face of HerzlDemobilized from the British army in late spring 1946, without money or job and despondent about his future, Norman followed the advice of Dr.Selig Brodetsky. Dr. H. Rosenblum, the editor ofHaboker, a Tel Aviv daily that later becameYediot Aharonot, noted in late 1945 that Dr. Weizmann deeply resented the sudden intrusion and reception of Norman when he arrived in Britain. Norman spoke to the Zionist conference in London. Haboker reported, \"Something similar happened at the Zionist conference in London. The Chairman suddenly announced to the meeting that in the hall there was Herzl\'s grandson who wanted to say a few words. The introduction was made in an absolutely dry and official way. It was felt that the chairman looked for—and found—some stylistic formula which would satisfy the visitor without appearing too cordial to anybody among the audience. In spite of that there was a great thrill in the hall when Norman mounted on the platform of the praesidium. At that moment, Dr.Weizmann turned his back on the speaker and remained in this bodily and mental attitude until the guest had finished his speech.\"[67]The 1945 article went on to note that Norman was snubbed by Weizmann and by some in Israel during his visit because of ego, jealousy, vanity and their own personal ambitions. Brodetsky was Chaim Weizman\'s principal ally and supporter in Britain.Chaim Weizmann secured for Norman a desirable but minor position with the British Economic and Scientific Mission in Washington, D.C. In late August 1946, shortly after arriving in Washington, he learned that his family had perished. Norman had re-established contact with his old nanny in Vienna, Wuth, who told him what happened.[68]Norman became deeply depressed over the fate of his family and his inability to help the Jewish people \"languishing\" in the European camps. Unable to endure his suffering any further, he jumped to his death from theMassachusetts Avenue Bridgein Washington, D.C. on November 26, 1946.Norman was buried by theJewish Agencyin Washington, D.C. His tombstone read simply, \'Stephen Theodore Norman, Captain Royal Artillery British Army, Grandson of Theodor Herzl, April 21, 1918 − November 26, 1946\'.[69]Norman was the only member of Herzl\'s family to have been a Zionist, been to Israel and openly stated his desire to return.On December 5, 2007, sixty-one years after his death, he was reburied with his family on Mt. Herzl, in the Plot for Zionist Leaders.[70][71][72][73][74]The Stephen Norman garden on Mount Herzl in Jerusalem—the only memorial in the world to a Herzl other than Theodor Herzl—was dedicated on May 2, 2012 by the Jerusalem Foundation and the Jewish American Society for Historic Preservation.[75]On one of the walls of the garden, located between the Herzl Museum and the Herzl Educational Center, is a quote from Norman from when he visited Israel in 1946. The quote sums up the meaning of Zionism and Israel.\"You will be amazed at the Jewish Youth in Palestine ... they have the look of freedom.\"Writings[edit]Title page ofDer Judenstaat. 1896Title page ofAltneuland. 1902Beginning in late 1895, Herzl wroteDer Judenstaat(The State of the Jews). The small book was initially published February 14, 1896, in Leipzig, Germany, and Vienna, Austria, by M. Breitenstein\'s Verlags-Buchhandlung. It is subtitled \"Versuch einer modernen Lösung der Judenfrage\", (\"Proposal of a modern solution for the Jewish question\").Der Judenstaatproposed the structure and beliefs of what political Zionism was.[76]Herzl\'s solution was the creation of a Jewish state. In the book he outlined his reasoning for the need to reestablish the historic Jewish state.\"The idea I have developed in this pamphlet is an ancient one: It is the restoration of the Jewish State ...\"\"The decisive factor is our propelling force. And what is that force? The plight of the Jews. ... I am profoundly convinced that I am right, though I doubt whether I shall live to see myself proved so. Those who today inaugurate this movement are unlikely to live to see its glorious culmination. But the very inauguration is enough to inspire in them a high pride and the joy of an inner liberation of their existence ...\"\"The plan would seem mad enough if a single individual were to undertake it; but if many Jews simultaneously agree on it, it is entirely reasonable, and its achievement presents no difficulties worth mentioning. The idea depends only on the number of its adherents. Perhaps our ambitious young men, to whom every road of advancement is now closed, and for whom the Jewish state throws open a bright prospect of freedom, happiness, and honor, perhaps they will see to it that this idea is spread ...\"\"It depends on the Jews themselves whether this political document remains for the present a political romance. If this generation is too dull to understand it rightly, a future, finer, more advanced generation will arise to comprehend it. The Jews who will try it shall achieve their State; and they will deserve it ...\"\"I consider the Jewish question neither a social nor a religious one, even though it sometimes takes these and other forms. It is a national question, and to solve it we must first of all establish it as an international political problem to be discussed and settled by the civilized nations of the world in council.\"We are a people—one people.\"We have sincerely tried everywhere to merge with the national communities in which we live, seeking only to preserve the faith of our fathers. It is not permitted us. In vain are we loyal patriots, sometimes superloyal; in vain do we make the same sacrifices of life and property as our fellow citizens; in vain do we strive to enhance the fame of our native lands in the arts and sciences, or her wealth by trade and commerce. In our native lands where we have lived for centuries we are still decried as aliens, often by men whose ancestors had not yet come at a time when Jewish sighs had long been heard in the country ...\"\"Oppression and persecution cannot exterminate us. No nation on earth has endured such struggles and sufferings as we have. Jew-baiting has merely winnowed out our weaklings; the strong among us defiantly return to their own whenever persecution breaks out ...\"\"Wherever we remain politically secure for any length of time, we assimilate. I think this is not praiseworthy ...\"\"Israel is our unforgettable historic homeland ...\"\"Let me repeat once more my opening words: The Jews who will it shall achieve their State. We shall live at last as free men on our own soil, and in our own homes peacefully die. The world will be liberated by our freedom, enriched by our wealth, magnified by our greatness. And whatever we attempt there for our own benefit will redound mightily and beneficially to the good of all mankind.\"[77]His last literary work,Altneuland(in English:The Old New Land, 1902), is anoveldevoted to Zionism. Herzl occupied his free time for three years in writing what he believed might be accomplished by 1923. Though the form is that of a romance, It is less a novel than a serious forecast of what could be done within one generation. The keynotes of the story are love ofZionand insistence upon the fact that the suggested changes in life are not utopian but to be brought about simply by grouping all the best efforts and ideals of every race and nation. Each such effort is quoted and referred to in such a manner as to show thatAltneuland, though blossoming through the skill of the Jew, will in reality be the product of the benevolent efforts of all the members of the human family.Herzl envisioned a Jewish state that combined modern Jewish culture with the best of the European heritage. Thus a \"Palace of Peace\" would be built in Jerusalem to arbitrate international disputes, and at the same time theTemplewould be rebuilt onmodernprinciples. Herzl did not envision the Jewish inhabitants of the state as beingreligious, but there was respect for religion in the public sphere. He also assumed that many languages would be spoken, and thatHebrewwould not be the main tongue. Proponents of a Jewish cultural rebirth, such asAhad Ha\'am, were critical ofAltneuland.InAltneuland, Herzl did not foresee any conflict betweenJewsandArabs. One of the main characters inAltneulandis a Haifa engineer, Reshid Bey, who is one of the leaders of the \"New Society\". He is very grateful to his Jewish neighbors for improving the economic condition of Israel and sees no cause for conflict. All non-Jews have equal rights, and an attempt by a fanatical rabbi to disenfranchise the non-Jewish citizens of their rights fails in the election which is the center of the main political plot of the novel.[78]Herzl also envisioned the future Jewish state to be a \"third way\" between capitalism and socialism, with a developed welfare program and public ownership of the main natural resources. Industry, agriculture and trade were organized on a cooperative basis. Along with many other progressive Jews of the day, such asEmma Lazarus,Louis Brandeis,Albert Einstein, andFranz Oppenheimer, Herzl desired to enact the land reforms proposed by the American political economistHenry George. Specifically, they called for aland value tax.[79]He called his mixed economic model \"Mutualism\", a term derived from Frenchutopian socialistthinking. Women would haveequal voting rights—as they had in the Zionist movement from the Second Zionist Congress onwards.InAltneuland, Herzl outlined his vision for a new Jewish state in theLand of Israel. He summed up his vision of an open society:\"It is founded on the ideas which are a common product of all civilized nations. ... It would be immoral if we would exclude anyone, whatever his origin, his descent, or his religion, from participating in our achievements. For we stand on the shoulders of other civilized peoples. ... What we own we owe to the preparatory work of other peoples. Therefore, we have to repay our debt. There is only one way to do it, the highest tolerance. Our motto must therefore be, now and ever: \'Man, you are my brother.\'\"[80]\"If you will it, it is no dream.\"a phrase from Herzl\'s bookOld New Land, became a popularsloganof the Zionist movement—the striving for a Jewish National Home in Israel.[81]In his novel, Herzl wrote about an electoral campaign in the new state. He directed his wrath against the nationalist party, which wished to make the Jews a privileged class in Israel. Herzl regarded that as a betrayal of Zion, for Zion was identical to him with humanitarianism and tolerance—and that this was true in politics as well as religion. Herzl wrote:\"Matters of faith were once and for all excluded from public influence. ... Whether anyone sought religious devotion in the synagogue, in the church, in the mosque, in the art museum, or in a philharmonic concert, did not concern society. That was his [own] private affair.\"[80]Altneulandwas written both for Jews and non-Jews: Herzl wanted to win over non-Jewish opinion for Zionism.[82]When he was still thinking ofArgentinaas a possible venue for massive Jewish immigration, he wrote in his diary:\"When we occupy the land, we shall bring immediate benefits to the state that receives us. We must expropriate gently the private property on the estates assigned to us. We shall try to spirit the penniless population across the border by procuring employment for it in the transit countries, while denying it any employment in our country. The property owners will come over to our side. Both the process of expropriation and the removal of the poor must be carried out discretely and circumspectly ... It goes without saying that we shall respectfully tolerate persons of other faiths and protect their property, their honor, and their freedom with the harshest means of coercion. This is another area in which we shall set the entire world a wonderful example ... Should there be many such immovable owners in individual areas [who would not sell their property to us], we shall simply leave them there and develop our commerce in the direction of other areas which belong to us\",[83]Herzl\'s draft of a charter for a Jewish-Ottoman Land Company (JOLC) gave the JOLC the right to obtain land in Israel by giving its owners comparable land elsewhere in theOttoman empire.The name \"Tel Aviv\" was the title given to the Hebrew translation ofAltneulandby the translator,Nahum Sokolow. This name comes fromEzekiel3:15 and meanstell—an ancient mound formed when a town is built on its own debris for thousands of years—of spring. The name was later applied to the new town built outsideJaffathat becameTel Aviv-Yafothe second-largest city inIsrael. The nearby city to the north,Herzliya, was named in honour of Herzl.List of works[edit]BooksThe Jewish State (Der Judenstaat), (1896)full text onlineThe Old New Land (Altneuland), (1902)Plays[84][85]Kompagniearbeit, comedy in one act, Vienna 1880Die Causa Hirschkorn, comedy in one act, Vienna 1882Tabarin, comedy in one act, Vienna 1884Muttersöhnchen, in four acts, Vienna 1885 (Later: \"Austoben\" by H. Jungmann)Seine Hoheit, comedy in three acts, Vienna 1885Der Flüchtling, comedy in one act, Vienna 1887Wilddiebe, comedy in four acts, in co-authorship with H. Wittmann, Vienna 1888Was wird man sagen?, comedy in four acts, Vienna 1890Die Dame in Schwarz, comedy in four acts, in co-authorship with H. Wittmann, Vienna 1890Prinzen aus Genieland, comedy in four acts, Vienna 1891Die Glosse, comedy in one act, Vienna 1895Das Neue Ghetto, drama in four acts, Vienna 1898. Herzl\'s only play with Jewish characters.[85]Translated asThe New Ghettoby Heinz Norden, New York 1955Unser Kätchen, comedy in four acts, Vienna 1899Gretel, comedy in four acts, Vienna 1899I love you, comedy in one act, Vienna 1900Solon in Lydien, drama in three acts, Vienna 1905OtherHerzl, Theodor.Theodor Herzl: Excerpts from His Diaries(2006)excerpt and text searchHerzl, Theodor.Philosophische ErzählungenPhilosophical Stories (1900), ed. by Carsten Schmidt. new edition Lexikus Publ. 2011,ISBN 978-3-940206-29-9Herzl, Theodor (1922):Theodor Herzls tagebücher, 1895-1904, Volume: 1Herzl, Theodor (1922):Theodor Herzls tagebücher, 1895-1904, Volume: 2


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